In Northern Ireland, the results of the vote on the agreement were the results: President Clinton`s interest in Northern Ireland is recognized around the world as a determining factor in the peace process. During the course of the trial, the United States considered itself “… interested foreigners, not insiders” and aimed to bring the parties to an agreement rather than push them. President Clinton was extremely proud of his role in the peace process and often cited him as examples of Kosovo and Kasmir with his famous line: “Let me tell them about Northern Ireland… ». On the Unionist side, the “no” campaign was much stronger, pointing to what were presented as concessions to denial and terrorism, in particular the release of convicted paramilitaries (often those who had killed friends and relatives of Unionist politicians and were serving “life sentences”), the presence of “terrorists” (what they thought of Sinn Féin) to the government , the absence of guarantees for the downgrading of the perceived bias of the process towards a united Ireland, the lack of confidence in all those who would implement the agreement, the erosion of British identity, the destruction of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, the vague language of the agreement and the hasty manner in which the agreement was written. Direct domination of London ended in Northern Ireland when power was formally transferred to the new Northern Ireland Assembly, the North-South Council and the Anglo-Irish Council when the opening decisions of the Anglo-Irish Agreement came into force on 2 December 1999. [15] [16] [17] Article 4, paragraph 2 of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (the agreement between the British and Irish governments on the implementation of the Belfast Agreement) required both governments to inquire in writing about compliance with the terms of entry into force of the Anglo-Irish Agreement; The latter is expected to come into effect as soon as both notifications are received. [18] The British government has agreed to participate in a televised ceremony at Iveagh House in Dublin, the Irish Foreign Office. Peter Mandelson, Minister of Northern Ireland, participated in his participation in early December 2, 1999. He exchanged notifications with David Andrews, the Irish Foreign Secretary. Shortly after the ceremony, at 10:30 a.m., the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, signed the declaration of formal amendment of Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution.

He then informed the D`il that the Anglo-Irish agreement had entered into force (including some endorsements to the Belfast Agreement). [7] [19] The agreement brought together republicans and trade unionists after decades of political conflict in Northern Ireland. Both views have been recognized as legitimate. For the first time, the Irish government agreed, in a binding international agreement, that Northern Ireland was part of the United Kingdom. [9] The Irish Constitution has also been amended to implicitly recognize Northern Ireland as part of the sovereign territory of the United Kingdom[7] provided that the majority of the population of the island`s two jurisdictions has agreed to a unified Ireland. On the other hand, the language of the agreement reflects a change in the UK`s emphasis on the one-for-eu law to United Ireland. [9] The agreement therefore left open the question of future sovereignty over Northern Ireland. [10] The future of IRA weapons was one of the dominant and unresolved issues of the peace process. In response to the IICD announcement, Ian Paisley, chairman of the DUP (then the largest party in Northern Ireland), described the downgrade as a failure.

He rejected the conclusions of the two commissions, concerned about the manner in which the weapons were delivered. As part of the decommissioning agreement, no photographs were allowed and recordings were prohibited.